Marcus Agrippa Read online

  Antonius convened a new session of the Senate for 1 June. Cicero was no friend of Antonius.52 He felt compelled to go but his friends tried to persuade him to stay away from the city. The patriot set off at the end of May.53 Meantime, Octavius appeared before the new praetor urbanus, C. Antonius, and formally accepted the terms of Iulius Caesar’s testament (from this point on we will refer to Octavius as Caesar and his deceased adoptive father Iulius Caesar).54 His inheritance also came with a household (familia) of slaves and freedmen, many of whom Appian notes were wealthy.55 Young Caesar still needed to raise the cash for the donatives promised to the people in Iulius Caesar’s will. To that end he approached Pedius and Pinarius – his uncles Lucius and Quintus respectively – and they agreed for their nephew to sell their shares in the late dictator’s estate. Caesar paid for games in honour of Venus the Ancestress (ludi Veneris Genetricis) from whom Caesar, as a member of gens Iulia, claimed descent.56 During the spectacle, which ran 20–30 July, Octavius planned to have the gilded chair the dictator was authorized to use. Antonius promptly vetoed the move, and immediately found himself at loggerheads with Iulius Caesar’s veterans who saw it as an insult to the man’s name and honour. During the last few days of the games, a comet (sidus) was seen in the sky.57 It was interpreted by the people as a sign that Iulius Caesar’s spirit had ascended to heaven.58 The month was renamed in honour of the great dictator – July.59 ‘For these reasons,’ writes Dio, ‘the soldiers also, particularly since some of them received largesses of money, readily took the side of Caesar’.60

  Iulius Caesar had been a polarizing figure in life, and remained so in death. To some he was a folk hero, a brilliant commander who had won wars against foreign foes, a charismatic leader who had distributed the spoils of war to the people, a challenger against the entrenched interests of the patricians. To others he was a ruthless tyrant, a dangerous criminal who had committed treason when he crossed the Rubicon, a crooked politician who had twisted the system in pursuit of absolute power. Reconciling these awkward dichotomies would be difficult for his young heir. His legacy was both a blessing and a curse. How he managed the connection with his deceased adoptive father, from whom he derived authority, would be key to successfully establishing himself as his own man.61 The appearance of the comet provided just the opportunity he needed. Revealing his growing awareness in the value of propaganda, in another tactically brilliant move Caesar had a statue of his great uncle cast. Above the head he placed a star, which came to be called the Iulium sidus – the ‘Julian star’ – and erected it inside the Temple of Venus Genetrix.62 With Iulius Caesar safely elevated to the heavens, his heir could deepen his terrestrial roots. He minted coins which showed Iulius Caesar’s divinity, while showing himself as a mere mortal man.63 In another example, the words and symbols contrast the autocratic power of the dictator with the limited power of one of the three magistrates dedicated to reestablishing the constitution.64 The more subtle message could also be read as Iulius Caesar’s power was framed in illegality, whereas the new was legally sound. To what extent Agrippa was involved in creating the messaging and imagery is unclear, but it is highly unlikely the coins were minted without the blessing of the triumvirs and their advisors.

  Scheming to keep them away from Rome, Antonius also contrived to give commissions to Brutus and Cassius to procure grain for the public dole. Antonius had proposed that Brutus should take up the new posting in Crete, which he had declined, and he continued on his way to Italy. Cicero followed shortly after him and on 31 August arrived back in Rome. Crowds of well-wishers turned out in strength to greet and accompany him into the city.65 The elder statesman was the only leading man of the Senate who had survived the last civil war, and for many in these uncertain times he was a figure of continuity; but Cicero could not replace Iulius Caesar. When Antonius convened the Senate the following day, Cicero again declined to attend, fearing there might be an attempt on his life; Antonius sent soldiers to his house threatening to burn it down, and only after he was given assurances did he go to the meeting.66 On 1 September Antonius left Rome. The next day Cicero took the floor of the Senate House and, under the watchful gaze of Consul Dolabella, launched into the first of fourteen oratorical tirades against Antonius, speeches which became known as the Philippics after the style of the acclaimed statesman Demosthenes of Athens.67

  The popularity of Caesar’s heir continued to rise, much to Antonius’ chagrin.68 It was finally the old dictator’s veterans who called for Antonius and the young Caesar to reconcile their differences. Reluctant he may have been, but Antonius was not a complete fool and he acceded to shaking hands with the younger man in the Temple of Iupiter on the Capitolinus Hill.69 At a meeting of the Senate on 1 September Antonius proposed a motion for a holiday in Iulius Caesar’s honour.70 His legal heir still had no official standing in the Res Publica and he made it known that he wished to be considered as a candidate for one of the popular tribunes.71Antonius overruled the request. A public spat broke out between the men, in which the consul claimed he had been the subject of an assassination attempt when someone – allegedly Octavius – bribed one of his guards. To the allegation Caesar responded that he would be willing to stand watch over Antonius’ bed in person while he slept to ensure his safety. The rumour of an attempt on the consul’s life at the instigation of Caesar raced through the city.72 As usual he consulted his friends, among whom were Atia, Philippus and Agrippa. His parents urged him to flee for his own safety, but the others insisted he was innocent and, taking their counsel, Caesar decided to remain in Rome. The following day Antonius’ own advisors recommended he defuse the situation and the matter was dropped. For the moment the two men were reconciled but it was becoming clear that they were not friends or allies, but rivals.73

  Antonius and his wife left for Brundisium where the legions from Macedonia had arrived before transferring to Gallia Cisalpina.74 He intended to secure the army for himself. On meeting him, the soldiers cheered, fully expecting a large bonus from the former deputy of Iulius Caesar.75 Instead Antonius paid them what they considered a paltry 400 sestertii each and they objected loudly. His response was hardly designed to inspire loyalty. He ordered the centurions step forward and had them butchered to death in front of the troops.76 The shocked soldiers agreed to follow Antonius, but their resentment festered.

  The Mutinese War

  Rome had become a dangerous place for the young Caesar, who realized he needed a contingency plan. Again he turned to his friends for advice. Nikolaos lists them as ‘Marcus Agrippa, Lucius Maecenas, Quintus Juventius, Marcus Modialius and Lucius [?]’.77 By this time Agrippa had established himself as a highly regarded and trusted advisor. New to the group was the equestrian C. Cilnius Maecenas (born 29 April 70 BCE), a wealthy man proud of his Etruscan heritage who had connections and, in time, would become known as a generous patron of the arts.78 Caesar now had in his circle of close friends (amici) the two great talents who would advise him and support him in his rise to power – and help him to retain it. Additionally, he had assumed a large number of civilian supporters since Iulius Caesar’s death. Romans judged a high status man by his entourage (clientela) – the number and calibre of people who assembled at his house each morning for the salutatio to pay their respects, followed him as he attended business in the city and voted according to his wishes in elections. But he also needed to gather troops who would fight for him, if necessary, and to that end the group headed to Campania.79 Joining his brain trust on the journey from Rome was heavy muscle. ‘Other officers, centurions, and soldiers followed,’ writes Nikolaos, ‘as well as a multitude of slaves and a pack train carrying the pay-money and the supplies.’80

  As they travelled south, the young men stopped to persuade the magistrates and free citizens of coloniae and municipiae through which they passed with stirring words and donations of 2,000 sestertii in cash to woo them to his side.81At Capua, Agrippa and Caesar met with retirees (evocati) – men who could be recalled to defend the Res Public
a –of Legiones VII and VIII that had settled in the region on land provided by adoptive father.82 The result of this charm offensive was that 3,000 men rallied to him and followed Caesar and Agrippa on their march to Rome before Antonius returned.83 The high-spirited return journey to Rome had the effect of drawing yet more recruits to his signa.84 Once safely back in the city Caesar gave a rousing speech about his great uncle’s life and achievements, which won him plaudits from the plebs. He also took this opportunity to express opposition to Antonius’ schemes. Meanwhile Antonius himself was approaching and when he reached Rome he found two of the four legions – the Martia and IV – from Macedonia in mutiny.85 Caesar took the initiative and appealed to them to join him.86 Despite Antonius’ exhortations they changed sides, adding both men and elephants to his rival’s growing army.87Antonius raised a complaint with the Senate at Caesar’s antics and sped off to Ariminium, fearing that other parts of his army from Macedonia would be induced to defect.88

  Almost a year after the dictator’s bloody murder, the assassins still roamed free. D. Iunius Brutus was beginning his new assignment as governor of Gallia Cisalpina and Antonius saw him as a potential ally.89 Yet Decimus, who had three legions (one entirely of new recruits) and a number of gladiators under his command, saw Antonius as a threat and refused to have any dealings with him.90 The rebuff delighted Cicero who, since 2 September 44 BCE, had been delivering his series of Philippics denouncing Antonius for his political ambition, while praising Caesar.91 However, many wanted to see justice done for the unlawful murder of Iulius Caesar and Decimus was recalled.92 He adamently refused to surrender his commission.93Antonius, with four legions including the troops from Macedonia, soon had Brutus and the two legions under the renegade’s command blockaded in Mutina (Modena) – the city which gave its name to the ensuing war (Bellum Mutinense).94 He ordered his men to dig a circumvallation around the wealthy city and prepared to lay siege.95

  In the meantime, the conservative bloc of senators led by Cicero, who stood resolutely against the Caesarians, pushed through the House a motion which charged the new consuls for 43 BCE, A. Hirtius and C. Vibius Pansa, to assemble an army to relieve D. Brutus and declared Antonius and Lepidus public enemies for having seized Gallia Cisalpina with an armed force – in effect, staging an attack on the Res Publica.96 Where, the Senate asked, would it find an army to save its men?

  It found an unexpected ally. Caesar had five legions – two which had defected from Antonius, two of evocati and one of new levies – at Alba.97 The men who had defected put on a display of military manoeuvres and Caesar rewarded them all with a bonus of 500 drachmai, and a promise of more if they brought him victory.98 Believing him to be on their side, the Senate praised Caesar.99 He had consistently expressed the view that his sole interest was to see the assassins of his great uncle face charges for their heinous crime. Perceiving him as a non-threat, and indeed, as a political asset against Antonius, he was granted the right to stand for the consulship ten years before the legal period and was promoted to the rank of propraetor, an honour normally granted to men who had served as consul and were at least 35-years-old.100 Urged on by Cicero, the Senate issued an ultimatum to Antonius that he should suspend the siege, return the province to Decimus, withdraw to behind the Rubicon and present himself to the Conscript Fathers.101Caesar was now directed to assist the consuls and, keen to humble Antonius and crimp his ambitions, he obliged. He soon reflected that he had, in fact, been duped by the Senate. All they really wanted was his army – since a propraetor had no authority in the presence of a serving consul – and to provoke a war between him and Antonius.102 With Agrippa and Salvidienus at his side, he rode despondently beside consul Hirtius in the direction of the conflict zone in the foothills of the Italian Alps.103

  Separately Pansa made his way northwards with four legions.104 Antonius learned that the consul was en route and moved quickly to intercept him before he could reach Mutina. At daybreak on 15 April, on the Via Aemilia outside the small town of Forum Gallorum, Antonius’ men appeared on either side of the road and ambushed the consul’s army.105 Appian would later, and somewhat melodramatically, describe how the novice troops watched in amazement at the battle-hardened veterans fighting each other in virtual silence, since they knew the practised war cries of one side would not strike terror into the other.106 Pansa had been taken by complete surprise, and was mortally wounded in the battle.107 Claiming victory, Antonius suspended what might have been a general rout, but was astonished to run straight into Hirtius’ army marching up from the south.108 His men, exhausted from the encounter with Pansa, were themselves routed by the fresh troops of Hirtius who snatched his two legionary eagle (aquila) standards.109 It was a humiliating end to the day, but Antonius was lucky to escape back with his cavalry – and his life – to camp. What Agrippa was doing throughout is, frustratingly, not revealed in the extant accounts.

  Antonius returned to the siege at Mutina.110 The combined army of the consuls arrived and attempted to break through Antonius’ lines and relieve the city.111 Assisting them were Caesar and his friend Agrippa.112 Iulius Caesar’s old officer Hirtius assumed command and, when he asked the adopted son for his legions, as the junior commander of the two he had no choice but to release them. On 27 April the two armies clashed before the walls of Mutina.113 The army relieving the city probed Antonius’ defences but, when he did not engage them, they switched their attack to another point along the circumvallation. Antonius shadowed their movements with his cavalry. Eventually he ordered two legions to burst out of the entrenchments and the real battle ensued. Soon he needed to call up reserves from his camps. His own camp was scaled with Hirtius leading the charge, but he fell in the attack near Antonius’ personal tent (praetorium).114 Appian reports that Caesar charged in and retrieved the consul’s body. Decimus now led a sortie out of the city.115 Under intense attack on two fronts Antonius’ army crumpled. Seeing no chance for victory, under the cover of darkness, Antonius abandoned the siege, slipped away with as many men as he could take and retreated over the Alps to Gallia Narbonensis.116 There his ally Aemilius Lepidus was in command. L. Munatius Plancus, proconsul of Gallia Comata with three legions, and C. Asinius Pollio, proconsul of Hispania Ulterior with two legions, also both rallied to him.117

  When the news of Antonius’ flight and Brutus’ survival reached Rome, Cicero read out the report with impish delight.118 Though Hirtius had been killed during the battle at Mutina and Pansa was fast approaching death. A thanksgiving of fifty days was granted to the two consuls and Caesar in equal measure and payments were issued to the troops.119 Caesar was told to report to Brutus, a situation the young man found intolerable – the man had, after all, been a party to the murder of his adoptive father. Decimus urged Caesar to cross the Apennines and intercept Antonius’ relief army under P. Ventidius.120 But Caesar now presented his own demand to the Senate: he wanted a triumph.121 His request was denied. It granted one to Brutus instead.122 Caesar had served his usefulness for the Senate. With Antonius apparently out of the way, Cicero believed Caesar could now be sidelined. On 24 May he wrote a letter to D. Brutus with the chilling phrase, ‘praise and compliment the youth – then remove him’.123 He, like so many others, underestimated the man he so dismissively disparaged. The political reality had changed and Caesar knew it. Caesar needed a new strategy.124 He wrote to Lepidus and Pollio explaining the indignities he had suffered, suggesting that as Caesarians they would share Antonius’ fate if they did not unite with him.125 Lepidus replied encouraging him to reconcile with Antonius.126 Caesar then presented a revised demand before the Senate. He wanted nothing less than the consulship.127 When his request was again refused he dispatched a team of centurions to re-present his demand, this time more persuasively. The armed soldiers were a menacing presence in the civic chamber. While the Conscript Fathers dithered, one of the officers by the name of Cornelius, threw back his cloak, placed his hand on the pommel of his gladius and said, ‘this will do it if you don’t!’128
The Senate relented and agreed to Caesar’s demand: aged just 19 he was consul.129 When his transverse crested emissaries returned with the good news, his jubilant legionaries urged Caesar to lead them to Rome. He consented. This was an opportunity to assert his mandate, and his troops deserved their reward.130 On his arrival in the city, he demanded that the public money be brought to him and that the 2,500 drachmai per man that had been previously ordered to be paid to each man in Cicero’s motion be distributed with a promise to give them the remainder when he received it.131 From now on he would not enter the Senate House without a military escort.132 On 22 August 43 BCE Caesar and Pedius were sworn in as consuls.133

  There was one other outstanding matter. The long delayed lex curiata was finally passed: the man formerly known as C. Octavius Thurinus was formally adopted into gens Iulia and permitted to use the name of C. Iulius Caesar.134 The metamorphosis of the new Caesar was complete.

  First Steps on the Political Ladder

  Sixteen months after the murder of Iulius Caesar consul Pedius presented a resolution before the Senate. It officially required the prosecution of the assassins. The Lex Pedia, passed on 27 November when tribune P. Titius secured the Popular Assembly’s vote, prohibited the murderers from receiving fire and water.135 Agrippa was rewarded for his loyalty. He was put in charge of leading the high-profile prosecution against the ring leader, C. Cassius Longinus.136 Cassius had long since left Rome along with co-conspirator M. Iunius Brutus.137 Agrippa secured verdicts against Cassius: he was condemned in absentia and declared an outlaw. The leading assasin now had a price on his head. It is possible, but not substantiated, that after the trial Agrippa may have benefited from the case by acquiring some of Cassius’ confiscated assets.138